On June 13, 2000, a presidential plane marked with “Republic of Korea” arrived at Sunan International Airport in Pyongyang, North Korea. North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, who had been waiting for then-South Korean President Kim Dae-jung at the airport, greeted him with applause, and the two leaders shook hands with each other. It was a historic moment that symbolized the advent of a new era of reconciliation and cooperation on the Korean Peninsula, which had been plagued by distrust and confrontation for 55 years of national division. During their three-day meeting, the leaders from South and North Korea exchanged opinions about issues of mutual concern, such as reconciliation, future reunification and inter-Korean exchanges. And the summit ended with the June 15th Joint Declaration. Marking its tenth anniversary this year, the joint declaration is considered a historic turning point representing a commitment on both sides to expunging antagonism and mistrust and building a relationship of exchanges and cooperation instead. Here’s Professor Ryu Gil-jae from the University of North Korean Studies.

It’s been already ten years since the June 15th Inter-Korean Joint Declaration was adopted. It was the significant result of the first-ever inter-Korean summit since the division of the Korean Peninsula. Back in 1994, a summit between then-South Korean President Kim Young-sam and then-North Korean leader Kim Il-sung was almost ready to take place, but it never materialized due to Kim Il-sung’s death. Six years later, the first inter-Korean summit was held and the leaders from the two Koreas signed the June 15th joint declaration. The historic summit between South and North Korea, which had suffered through the tragic, fratricidal Korean War, served as a crucial momentum to change the confrontational framework of a divided Korea.

The five-point joint declaration calls for the prompt solution of humanitarian issues, such as the reunions of separated families scattered throughout the Korean Peninsula, economic cooperation, and brisk exchanges in social, cultural, sports, health and environmental areas. The agreement initiated an advancement of inter-Korean relations by expanding bilateral exchanges through various dialogue channels. Under the joint project of reconnecting cross-border railroads and ways, for example, the two sides opened overland routes in 2003 and started the Gyeongeui railway service in the western section of the peninsula in 2007. Since 2005, they have jointly operated an industrial complex in the North’s border town of Gaeseong, combining the South’s capital and technology with the North’s cheap labor and land. In addition to personnel exchanges, the two sides also held reunions of separated families regularly. Professor Ryu explains the outcome of the June 15th Joint Declaration.

Inter-Korean exchanges have swelled sharply over the last ten years, at least in size. That was the biggest outcome of the June 15th Joint Declaration. Economic exchanges, gauged by imports and exports, have expanded considerably compared to the past. Also, many people have traveled to the other side of the border. In particular, there was a big increase in the number of South Koreans visiting the North. Even with the exception of the South Korean tourists who have visited Mt. Geumgang in North Korea, a lot of South Korean nationals have traveled to various parts of the North, including Pyongyang. Through the vigorous exchanges, both South and North Korea saw more room for bilateral cooperation in economic, social and cultural areas, though in a gradual and limited way.

Unlike economic cooperation, however, the joint declaration revealed limitations on political or military progress. South and North Korea have since held ministerial-level meetings 21 times, defense ministers’ talks twice, general-level talks seven times and 35 rounds of working-level military meetings. But experts say the two sides have failed to build military trust, the key to resolving the fundamental problem of national division. The North Korean nuclear issue, in particular, has been a serious obstacle to inter-Korean relations. Speculation about North Korea’s clandestine nuclear development based on highly enriched uranium erupted in 2002, and North Korea went ahead with the first nuclear test in 2006 in protest of Washington’s financial sanctions against the North. As a result, inter-Korean ties faced a crisis of collapsing overnight. Inside South Korea, there was growing criticism that Seoul’s one-sided aid for North Korea might have been diverted to nuclear development.

Ideological conflict inside South Korean society exacerbated. The two previous South Korean governments under liberal presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun pursued a major shift in inter-Korean ties to promote cooperation and exchanges based on the June 15th Joint Declaration. But contrary to the expectations of these two governments, there was little possibility that North Korea would change anytime soon. Similarly, it was hard to expect any positive change in inter-Korean relations. But the policy of engaging North Korea continued, resulting in an enormous backlash from those who participated in the Korean War sixty years ago, those who had suffered persecution in North Korea and those who endured many difficulties due to inter-Korean relations. We have to reflect on the ideological rift inside South Korea that only deepened during the ten years of liberal rule.

The June 15th Joint Declaration was put to the test, following the inauguration of the conservative Lee Myung-bak government in South Korea in 2008. The Lee government held fast to its principle that North Korea should give up its nuclear development first and Seoul would improve relations with Pyongyang later, seeking a new paradigm in inter-Korean ties. North Korea, in the meantime, heightened tension in the region with continuous provocative acts, including a long-range missile launch, its second nuclear test and the shooting death of a South Korean tourist at the North’s Mt. Geumgang resort. In the wake of the sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan in the West Sea in March this year, tension on the Korean Peninsula is rapidly reaching a flashpoint. Some point out that inter-Korean ties have regressed to where they were before the 2000 bilateral summit. Professor Ryu stresses that the two Koreas must restore mutual confidence in observing the June 15th Joint Declaration.

The core of the June 15th Joint Declaration is that South and North Korea will open their minds and restore trust by carrying out exchange programs one by one. Economically, South Korea is far superior to its communist neighbor, and North Korean people face great difficulties. I think South Korea should be always ready to provide economic aid to the impoverished North on humanitarian grounds. And this is compatible with the spirit of the June 15th Joint Declaration. For North Korea, military provocation like the Cheonan incident is nothing short of putting the clocks backward the Cold War era. The two sides should do what they can do in a consistent and careful manner to uphold the spirit of the June 15th Joint Declaration and advance bilateral ties.

In 2000, the hopeful message of the June 15th Joint Declaration had big repercussions. Ten years later, inter-Korean relations are in a precarious state, with the joint declaration marking a gloomy anniversary. Now is time for both Koreas to revive the spirit of common prosperity, of reconciliation and cooperation, and to carry out policies pertaining to that goal in a more prudent way.



[Interview] Lawyer Dedicated to Improving Human Rights Abuses in N. Korean Prison Camps
It was difficult for me to do this job at first, since my parents had high expectations for me. I felt sad and sorry for my parents, thinking that I might not live up to their expectations. Many lawyers, including those who are more competent than I am, can find good-paying jobs. But few people are willing to work to address the issues of North Korea’s human rights situation and prison camps there. In this sense, I find my work rewarding.

A young lawyer in her 20s refused a lucrative job and works at a North Korean human rights group instead, saying she just can’t turn a blind eye to the dire human rights situation in concentration camps in North Korea. Lee Ji-hye, who obtained a U.S. lawyer’s license, wasn’t particularly interested in the North Korean human rights issue at first, like other young people of her age. She began to show interest in this issue in 2005 when she was admitted to the Handong International Law School.

When I entered the law school in 2005, my seniors and classmates launched the Legal Association for North Korean Human Rights and Development in an effort to find ways to resolve the North Korean human rights issue by international law. At the time, I didn’t really consider working in this area. When I participated in the North Korea Freedom Week in Washington in 2009, I was impressed by Suzanne Scholte, chairwoman of the North Korea Freedom Coalition. Even Americans were dedicated to improving the North Korean human rights conditions, and I felt ashamed of myself. At the time, I vaguely thought I would do something some day to promote human rights of North Korean people. But I didn’t even imagine I would work as a human rights lawyer as soon as I acquired the U.S. lawyer’s license.

Lee returned home in August last year after finishing her studies in the U.S. She began to work at the “Democracy Network against the North Korean Gulag” as her senior colleague asked her to help with his work temporarily. There, she witnessed the group members working day and night, despite poor working conditions, for the purpose of dissolving prison camps in North Korea. Impressed by their hard work and dedication, she decided to continue to work for the group. As soon as Lee started working, she took the lead in preparing for bringing North Korean leader Kim Jong-il to trial at the International Criminal Court for human rights violation. The move was initiated by the Crimes against Humanity Investigation Committee, a coalition of South Korean organizations. Based on the testimonies of North Korean defectors who had been in concentration camps in the North, she wrote a bill of indictment in English, stating that Kim Jong-il, top leader of North Korea, must be held accountable for inhumane acts committed in the reclusive country. Also, at the request of the International Republican Institute, a conservative U.S. think tank, Lee translated questionnaires of 100 North Korean defectors into English. She also had in-depth interviews with those defectors who had the experience of being forcibly repatriated to North Korea.

I can remember every single defector. A woman defector was forcibly sent back to North Korea as many as five times, almost every year. We all hear about the serious food shortages in North Korea. But her story is really shocking. She went to China to escape hunger. At a Chinese restaurant there, she found chicken bones in dog food. She was very surprised to learn even dogs in China eat chicken. Even after she was repatriated to North Korea, she couldn’t forget the dog food. It’s a heartbreaking story.